NHK:ミャンマー軍を支える巨大な闇 Investigative Report by NHK: Darkness that Supports the Myanmar Military

2024年9月21日の放送内容を基にしたNHKスペシャルのまとめ記事を紹介します。

This is a translation of a summary based on a special investigative report by NHK, first aired on Sept 21, 2024.

軍によるクーデターから３年半、“忘れられた戦場”となったミャンマーの人道危機が深刻化。軍は自国内での空爆を強化し無差別に市民の命が奪われている。欧米各国がミャンマー軍に厳しい制裁を科す中、なぜ軍は市民への攻撃を続けられているのか。衛星画像や船舶の航跡データ、税関記録などの分析から、制裁を潜り抜けジェット燃料が流入している実態が見えてきた。さらに日本のＯＤＡ資金の一部も軍関係の企業に流れていた。

Three and a half years after the military coup, the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar, which has become a “forgotten battlefield,” is worsening. The military is stepping up its air raids within the country, and the lives of civilians are being taken indiscriminately. While Western countries have imposed strict sanctions on the Myanmar military, why are they continuing to attack civilians? Analysis of satellite images, ship track data, customs records, etc. has revealed the reality that jet fuel is flowing into the country despite the sanctions. Furthermore, some of Japan’s ODA funds have also flowed to military-related companies.

泥沼の内戦状態が続くミャンマー｡人々は村を襲う空爆に怯えていた｡

In Myanmar, where a civil war rages on, the people live in fear of air raids that attack their villages.

3年前（2021年）の2月､クーデターを起こした軍は､抗議する市民を徹底的に武力で弾圧｡厳しい情報統制によって､ミャンマーの実態は世界から見えにくくなった｡

Three years ago (in February 2021), the military, which had staged a coup, suppressed the protesting citizens with brutal force. Due to strict information control, the true situation in Myanmar has become difficult to see from the outside world.

空爆の激化 1900回以上

武器をとった民主派勢力が徹底抗戦の姿勢を強める今、軍はミャンマー各地で市民を巻き込んだ空爆を激化｡クーデター後､その数は増え続け､1900回を超えている｡軍の弾圧や攻撃による犠牲者は､少なくとも5600人を超え､避難民の数は300万人に上るとされる｡

Over 1900 air raids

And now, as the pro-democracy forces who have taken up arms strengthen their stance of total resistance

the military has intensified its air raids, involving civilians in various parts of Myanmar. Since the coup, the number of raids has continued to increase, exceeding 1,900.

The number of victims of military suppression and attacks is said to have exceeded 5,600, and the number of displaced people is said to have reached 3 million.

これに対し､アメリカを中心とする各国は、軍に対する制裁を強めている｡それにもかかわらず､なぜ軍は空爆を強化することができるのか｡ミャンマー軍に流れる軍事物資と資金を追う｡

番組は､ミャンマーの港に出入りする船舶2500隻以上の航跡データや税関記録を分析｡空爆に不可欠なジェット燃料が､周辺の国々を経由し､ミャンマーに持ち込まれている可能性が見えてきた｡

さらに､日本の政府開発援助・ODAの資金の一部が､軍の関連企業に流れている実態を追った｡

In response, countries led by the United States have strengthened sanctions against the military. Despite this, why is the military able to step up its air raids? NHK followed the military supplies and funds flowing to the Myanmar military.

The Program analyzed the wake data and customs records of more than 2,500 ships entering and leaving Myanmar’s ports, and it became clear that jet fuel, which is essential for air strikes, is being brought into Myanmar via neighboring countries.

Furthermore, we investigated the reality that part of Japan’s Official Development Assistance (ODA) funds are being channeled to military-related companies.

悪化し続けるミャンマー情勢空爆被害の実態は

軍による空爆によって壊滅的な被害を受けた町がある｡カヤー州､パサウン｡現地の協力者から町の今の様子を映した映像を入手した｡

現地協力者「どこを見ても真っ黒です」

The situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate. What is the reality of the damage from the air raids?

There is a town that has been devastated by air raids by the military.Kayah State, Pasaung. We obtained footage of the current situation in the town from a local collaborator.

Local collaborator: “No matter where you look, it’s all black.”

2万人が暮らしていたというこの町｡仏教徒が多いミャンマーだが､寺院さえも容赦なく破壊されていた｡この町で何人が亡くなったのか、今もわかっていない｡

This town, which was home to 20,000 people, is a predominantly Buddhist country, but even the temples were mercilessly destroyed. It is still not known how many people died in this town

空爆を生き延びた人たちの一部は、山の奥へと逃れていた｡仮の住まいで、およそ800人が避難生活を送っている｡.

Some of the people who survived the air raid fled deep into the mountains. Around 800 people are living in temporary accommodation.

この男性は､1人で外出している間に自宅が空爆に遭い､妻と母親を失った｡

「空爆で何もかもが破壊されました｡妻は病院までたどり着いたのですが、亡くなりました｡母は即死でした」

This man lost his wife and mother when his house was bombed while he was out alone.

“The bombing destroyed everything. My wife made it to the hospital, but she died. My mother died instantly.”

5歳の息子､ウィンくんは空爆で右腕を失った｡

ウィンくんの父親「とてもつらいです。子どものことを考えると、なおさら悲しいです。妻は､かけがえのない存在でした」

Win, a 5-year-old boy, lost his right arm in the bombing.

Win’s father says “It’s very painful. Thinking about my child makes me even sadder. My wife was irreplaceable.”

なぜ市民を顧みずに空爆するのか？

ミャンマー軍はなぜ､市民の犠牲を顧みず空爆を行うのか？軍を離反した兵士たちの拠点があると聞き､隣国タイに向かった｡

元兵士たちが運営するインターネット放送局では、ミャンマー軍の兵士たちに､軍を離れるよう呼びかけている｡この放送局の支援で､これまで150人が軍から離反したという｡

Why do they bomb without considering the civilians?

Why do the Myanmar military carry out air raids without considering the civilian casualties?

We heard that there was a base for soldiers who had defected from the military, so we headed to neighboring Thailand.

An internet broadcasting station run by former soldiers is calling on Myanmar soldiers to leave the army. It is said that 150 people have so far defected from the army with the support of this broadcasting station.

空軍基地から逃れてきたというこの男性は､町への攻撃がどのように行われているかを語った｡

元ミャンマー空軍・軍曹／ナウン・ヨー氏「戦闘機で空爆した後に､ヘリコプターで追いかけ､30ミリ機関砲で、ひとり残らず徹底的に撃ちまくるのです」

This man, who had fled from an air force base, described how attacks on towns were carried out

Former Myanmar air force sergeant Nyan Yo: “After bombing with fighter jets, they chase after them with helicopters and shoot them all thoroughly with 30mm cannons.”

クーデターの後､武器をとった民主派勢力は､少数民族の武装勢力とともに抵抗を強めた。

これは民主派勢力側が奪い取った軍の拠点｡2023年10月の大規模攻撃を境に、その数は国境地帯を中心に広がっていった｡

After the coup, the pro-democracy forces, who had taken up arms, increased their resistance together with the armed forces of the ethnic minorities.

These are military bases that were taken over by the pro-democracy forces. After the large-scale attack in October 2023, the number of these bases spread, centering on the border areas.

空軍の元軍曹は、軍は奪われた地域をテロ区域に指定して､市民に無差別攻撃を行っていると証言した｡

元ミャンマー空軍・軍曹／ネー・ウィン・アウン氏「昼夜を問わず、市民を空爆しています｡夜､人々が寝静まっている時間帯に､町のど真ん中を狙うのです」

A former sergeant in the air force, testified that the military had designated the areas they had seized as terrorist zones and were carrying out indiscriminate attacks on civilians.

Former sergeant in the Myanmar air force, Nay Win Aung: “They bomb civilians day and night. At night, when people are asleep, they target the middle of towns.”

なぜ軍は空爆を続けられるのか？

2021年のクーデター直後、アメリカ／バイデン大統は「クーデターを首謀した軍指導者層や､関連事業に対し、制裁を科していく」と語った。

Why is the military continuing to carry out air raids?

Immediately after the 2021 coup d’état US President Biden said “We will impose sanctions on the military leaders who masterminded the coup and on related businesses.”

アメリカなど欧米各国は､クーデターを起こした軍の幹部や､軍の関連企業を対象に資産凍結などの経済制裁を実施｡さらに去年（2023年）､空爆に不可欠なジェット燃料の供給や調達に関わる企業などを制裁対象とし､空爆を阻止しようとしてきた｡

しかし､確認された空爆の数は、制裁以降も増え続けている｡

The US and other Western countries have imposed economic sanctions such as asset freezes on the military leaders who orchestrated the coup and on companies affiliated with the military. Furthermore, last year (2023), they targeted companies involved in the supply and procurement of jet fuel, which is essential for air strikes, in an attempt to prevent air strikes.

However, the number of confirmed air strikes has continued to increase even after the sanctions were imposed.

制裁を科されているにもかかわらず､なぜ軍は空爆を強化することができるのか｡

私たちはまず､軍用機の運用の実態を調べることにした｡

これは､あの壊滅的な被害を受けた、町・パサウンで撮られた空爆の映像｡高速で飛行する機影が映っている｡

Why are the military able to step up their air raids despite the sanctions?

We decided to first investigate the actual situation of military aircraft operations.

This is footage was taken in the town of Pasaun, which was devastated by an air raid attack. It shows the shadow of a plane flying at high speed.

市民がSNSに投稿した軍用機の目撃情報をもとに､映像に映る機影の特定を試みた｡

撮影されたのは7月11日､午前9時04分｡SNSには､約100キロ離れた中部のタウングー空軍基地から､Mig-29戦闘機が南東方向に飛び立ったという情報が､投稿されていた｡

Based on information about the sighting of military aircraft posted on social networking sites by local residents, we attempted to identify the aircraft in the footage.

The footage was taken at 9:04 am on July 11th. A Mig-29 fighter jet had taken off from the Taungoo Air Force Base in the central region, which is about 100 km away, in a southeastern direction.

この時間帯に近隣地域で空爆があったという情報はなく､一致している可能性が高い｡MiG-29はロシアの主力戦闘機で、地上への攻撃能力が高いとされている｡

There was no information of an air strike in the neighboring area at this time, so it is highly likely that this is the exact plane. The MiG-29 is a main fighter jet of Russia, and it is said to have a high ground attack capability.

他にも､どのような軍用機が使用されているか調べるため､20万以上の目撃情報を可視化した｡

ことし（2024年）最も目撃回数が多かったのは､中部のタウングー空軍基地｡MiG-29の他に､ロシア製のMi-35攻撃ヘリコプターや､中国が開発に関わったK8が目撃されていた｡

In order to find out what other military aircraft are being used, we visualized over 200,000 sighting reports.

This year (2024), the most sightings were of the Taungoo Air Force Base in the central region. In addition to the MiG-29, Russian-made Mi-35 attack helicopters and the K8, which China was involved in developing, were also sighted.

さらに､クーデター後に配備された軍用機も確認された｡

首都ネピドーの空軍基地周辺では、去年（2023年）､配備されたロシア製の高性能の戦闘機､スホイ30｡

Furthermore, military aircraft deployed after the coup were also confirmed.

In the area around the air force base in the capital, Naypyidaw, there were the Sukhoi 30 high-performance Russian-made fighter jets that were deployed last year (2023).

そして､北部のナムサン空軍基地では､FTC-2000G戦闘攻撃機｡中国からおととし（2022年）購入したとされる｡

And at the Namsan air force base in the north, there were the FTC-2000G fighter-attack jets, which are said to have been purchased from China two years ago (2022).

欧米の制裁を受けた後も､ロシアや中国から新たな軍用機を手に入れ､軍事行動を繰り返していると見られる｡

Even after being sanctioned by the West, it is thought that they have acquired new military aircraft from Russia and China and are continuing to carry out military operations.

ジェット燃料の供給ルートを調査

市民が暮らす集落までも、空爆の標的にするミャンマー軍｡制裁が科される中で､空爆に欠かせないジェット燃料を､どうやって入手しているのか？

Investigating the supply routes for jet fuel

The Myanmar military targets even civilian villages with airstrikes. With sanctions in place, how are they obtaining the jet fuel that is essential for airstrikes?

私たちが注目したのが、ヤンゴン郊外にあるティラワ港｡港湾施設の公開情報と、衛星画像を照らし合わせると､石油ターミナルが13区画あることがわかった｡

ターミナルの運営会社1つ1つの登記情報を入手し調べると、ジェット燃料専用のタンクがあるのは､｢3番ターミナル｣だけだということがわかった｡

これはターミナルの関係者がSNSに投稿した画像｡白いタンクには確かに｢ジェット燃料｣という文字が｡

We focused our attention on the port of Thilawa, located on the outskirts of Yangon. By comparing publicly available information about the port facilities with satellite images, we discovered that there are 13 oil terminals there.

By obtaining and examining the registration information for each of the terminal operating companies, we found that the only terminal with tanks dedicated to jet fuel is Terminal 3.

This is an image posted on a social networking site by someone connected to the terminal. The white tank clearly says “jet fuel”.

私たちは､クーデター以降､ティラワ港に出入りした船舶2500隻の航跡データを入手し可視化｡｢3番ターミナル｣に入港した船を洗い出した｡

We obtained and visualized the wake data of the 2,500 ships that entered and left the port of Thilawa after the coup, and identified the ships that had entered Terminal 3.

すると､制裁が強化された去年（2023年）3月以降､船が入港したのは14回｡うち10回が､ある特定の船だった｡

｢フイトン78｣｡登録情報を調べると､中国企業が所有するタンカーだった｡

Since March of last year (2023), when sanctions were tightened, there have been 14 entries into the port, and 10 of these were by a particular ship:

“Fuiton 78”. Checking the registration information, it was a tanker owned by a Chinese company.

ターミナル周辺が撮影された映像を調べると、フイトン78の姿は確認できなかったが、3番ターミナルから出ようとする1台のトラックが映っていた｡

Checking the footage taken around the terminal, the Fuiton 78 was not visible, but a truck leaving Terminal 3 was visible.

運送会社を調べるため、ナンバーの判別を試みると「1M-8704」と確認できた｡トラックの特徴をもとに調べると、CLPという運送会社が浮上した｡

In order to find out which transport company it was, I tried to identify the number plate and was able to confirm it as “1M-8704”. After investigating based on the characteristics of the truck, a transport company called CLP came to the fore.

そして､以前この会社でドライバーをしていたという男性が見つかり連絡をとった｡男性は､この会社のトラックだと認めた上で､ジェット燃料を納品した時の伝票を送ってくれた｡

I then found a man who had previously worked as a driver for this company and contacted him. The man confirmed that it was a truck from this company and sent me the slip from when he delivered jet fuel.

そこには同じ車両番号｡元同僚と連絡をとりあっているという男性の話しから､今もジェット燃料が運び出されている実態が見えてきた｡

The same vehicle number was on the slip. From the man’s story that he was in contact with his former colleagues, we were able to see that jet fuel was still being transported out.

石油製品などの取引データを独自に集める調査会社に、私たちは｢フイトン78｣について調査を依頼した｡

石油取引データアナリスト「複数の情報源を独自に確認し､積み荷を調査しました」

積み荷にはJETの文字｡税関データなどの分析から、フイトン78がジェット燃料を運んでいた可能性が高いという｡

We asked a research company that independently collects data on transactions involving petroleum products to investigate “Fitton 78”.

Petroleum Transaction Data Analyst “We independently confirmed multiple sources of information and investigated the cargo.”

The cargo was marked with the letters “JET”. From an analysis of customs data and other sources, it was highly likely that the Fuiton 78 was carrying jet fuel.

では､どこから運ばれてきたのか｡航跡をさかのぼると、ベトナムのある港から､制裁が科された2023年3月以降､合計8回運ばれていたことがわかった｡

So where did it come from? By retracing the ship’s route, we found that it had been transported a total of eight times from a port in Vietnam since March 2023, when the sanctions were imposed.

私たちは､この港で、フイトン78にジェット燃料を供給した可能性がある業者を調査｡ベトナムの輸出入の記録から、特定の企業の存在が浮かび上がった｡

取材班（電話取材）「こんにちは｡日本のNHKです｡聞こえていますか」

企業関係者「何も話すことないよ｡面倒くさいな｡熟睡しているのに電話しやがって」

We investigated the companies that may have supplied jet fuel to the Phu Quoc 78 at this port, and the records of Vietnamese imports and exports revealed the existence of a particular company.

Interview team (telephone interview) “Hello, this is NHK from Japan. Can you hear me?”

Company representative: “I have nothing to say. This is so annoying. You’re calling me when I’m sleeping soundly.”

電話は切れ、再びかけ直してみると違う人物が電話にでた｡

取材班「ミャンマーへのジェット燃料の輸送について聞きたいのですが」

企業関係者「以前は運んでいたけど」

取材班「『以前運んでいた』ということは､いつまでなのか教えていただけませんか」

企業関係者「じゃあ、もういいね」

取材班「先ほどあなたは『以前運んでいた』と・・・」

また電話は切られた。時期については口を閉ざしたが､以前にジェット燃料をミャンマーに運んだことは認めた｡

では､ジェット燃料はどこから来ているのか｡取引データから船を割り出し、航跡データをさかのぼると、出発点は中国の製油所だった｡さらに他の船は、マレーシアやタイ・シンガポールから来ていたことが分かった｡

The line went dead, and when we tried calling again, a different person answered the phone.

Interview team: ”We’d like to ask you about the transport of jet fuel to Myanmar.”

Company representative: “We used to transport it, but…”

Interview team: “If you used to transport it, could you tell us how long ago that was?”

Company representative: ‘Well, that’s enough.’

Interview team: ”You said you used to transport it…”

The phone was hung up again. Although they refused to say when it was, they did admit that they had transported jet fuel to Myanmar before.

Then, where does the jet fuel come from? By identifying the ships from the transaction data and going back through the wake data, we found that the starting point was a refinery in China. Furthermore, we found that other ships came from Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore.

それぞれの販売元を特定し､ジェット燃料について尋ねたが､明確な回答は得られなかった｡

私たちは､タイに逃れた元ミャンマー軍兵士たちの取材を続ける中で､ある人物にいきついた｡ミャンマー国営の石油会社の元社員で、ジェット燃料の調達に携わっていたという｡

元ミャンマー石油ガス公社・社員「国営石油会社は制裁対象になっているため､（ジェット燃料の）輸入を行うことができません｡現在は､仲介業者が闇のルートを使って輸入しているのです」

We identified the distributors of each of these and asked about the jet fuel, but we did not get a clear answer.

As we continued to interview former Myanmar soldiers who had fled to Thailand, we came across a certain person. He was a former employee of the Myanmar national oil company and was involved in the procurement of jet fuel.

Former employee of the Myanmar Oil and Gas Corporation: “Because the state-run oil company is subject to sanctions, it is unable to import (jet fuel). At present, importers are using black market routes to import it.”

ジェット燃料の輸送ルートをめぐって浮上した周辺諸国｡そして､軍用機を供給しているロシアや中国｡いずれもミャンマーに対する制裁を科していない｡

The surrounding countries that have emerged in relation to the transport routes for jet fuel, and Russia and China, which supply military aircraft, have not imposed sanctions on Myanmar.

日本政府はどのような対応をとってきたのか

国際社会の足並みが揃わない中､日本政府はどのような対応をとってきたのか。

実は､日本はミャンマーへの制裁は行わず､軍側との対話を通じて、暴力の停止などを働きかける方針をとってきた｡

What kind of response has the Japanese government taken?

While the international community has not been able to reach a consensus, what kind of response has the Japanese government taken?

Japan has not imposed sanctions on Myanmar, and has taken a policy of encouraging the military to stop violence through dialogue.

その日本政府に対し､2023年4月､ある疑問が投げかけられた｡

国連の特別報告者が来日し､日本の政府開発援助､ODAの一部が､軍の利益につながっている可能性を指摘したのだ｡

国連ミャンマー特別報告者／トーマス・アンドリュース氏「日本政府に対し､ミャンマーにおけるODAの人権に対する影響を徹底的に調査するよう、強く求めます」

In April 2023, a question was raised about the Japanese government.

A special rapporteur from the United Nations visited Japan and pointed out the possibility that some of Japan’s Official Development Assistance (ODA) was benefiting the military.

United Nations Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Mr. Thomas Andrews: “I strongly urge the Japanese government to thoroughly investigate the impact of ODA on human rights in Myanmar.”

1954年､日本は戦後賠償の一環として、ミャンマーで水力発電所の事業を開始した｡これが｢平和と繁栄への貢献｣を理念に掲げるODAにつながり､日本は最大の援助国となっていく｡

In 1954, as part of its post-war reparations, Japan began a hydroelectric power plant project in Myanmar. This led to ODA with the philosophy of “contributing to peace and prosperity”, and Japan became the largest donor country.

ところが1988年｡軍がクーデターを起こし、政権を掌握すると日本政府はODAを大幅に縮小した｡日本政府が再びODAを加速させたのは2013年｡軍事政権が民主化にむけて舵を切ったことがきっかけだった｡アウン・サン・スーチー氏が率いる政権が誕生すると､ODAはさらに拡大し､その規模は総額1兆円を超えた｡

However, in 1988, the military staged a coup and took control of the government, and the Japanese government drastically reduced ODA. The Japanese government did not resume ODA until 2013, when the military government steered the country towards democratization. When the government led by Aung San Suu Kyi came to power, ODA expanded further, and the total amount exceeded 1 trillion yen.

そして､3年前（2021年）｡クーデターを起こした軍が市民を弾圧｡日本政府は､新規のODAを停止｡一方で､道路や水道といったインフラ整備などの既存案件は継続するとした｡

Then, three years ago (2021), the military, which had staged a coup, suppressed the citizens. The Japanese government suspended new ODA, but it decided to continue existing projects such as infrastructure development, including roads and water supply.

継続の理由について外務省に取材を申し入れたところ､文書で回答があった｡

｢既存のODA案件は､ミャンマー国民の生活向上や経済発展に貢献することや､人道的なニーズに対応する事を目的とするものであり､国軍や国軍主導の現体制を支援するものではないことから､これまで日本政府として、苦しい時こそミャンマーで暮らす人々を支えるとの一貫した方針の下､取り組んできています｣（外務省回答文）

When we asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the reason for the continuation, we received a written response.

“The purpose of existing ODA projects is to contribute to improving the lives of the people of Myanmar and to economic development, as well as to respond to humanitarian needs, and they are not intended to support the military or the current regime led by the military. The Japanese government has been working on these projects based on a consistent policy of supporting the people of Myanmar, especially at times of hardship” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs response)

ODAになぜ疑問の声が上がっているのか

ODAは｢軍を支援するものでない｣としている日本政府｡では､なぜ疑問の声があがっているのか｡

継続したODAの中で､私たちが注目した事業がある｡ヤンゴン・マンダレー鉄道整備事業｡老朽化が進んだインフラの改修と、近代化を行う目的で継続されている事業だ｡

実は日本が改修を進める区間で、民主派勢力側が10回以上にわたって、線路を爆破したとみられている｡

Why are there questions being raised about ODA?

The Japanese government says that ODA “is not intended to support the military”. So why are there questions being raised about it?

There is one project that we have been paying attention to as part of the ongoing ODA: the Yangon-Mandalay Railway Improvement Project. This is a project that is being carried out with the aim of repairing and modernizing the aging infrastructure.

It is thought that the pro-democracy forces have blown up the tracks more than ten times in the section of the line that Japan is working to repair.

その理由を探る中で､国営鉄道にクーデターの直後まで勤めていたという男性にいきついた｡

見せられたのは列車の映像だった｡この車両、実は軍が保有し､軍事物資を輸送するために使われているという｡

In the course of investigating the reasons for this, we came across a man who had worked for the national railway until just after the coup.

He showed us a video of a train. This train is actually owned by the military and is used to transport military supplies.

元ミャンマー国鉄・社員:

「クーデター前､軍は緑色の車両を使っていました｡今は攻撃される恐れがあるため､一般の列車に偽装しているのです」

Former Myanmar Railways employee:

“Before the coup, the military used green trains. Now they’re disguising themselves as regular trains because they’re afraid of being attacked.”

一般車両と同じ、赤と青の模様に偽装されているというこの列車｡車両番号は｢DF_2087｣｡

This train, which is disguised with the same red and blue pattern as the regular trains, has the vehicle number “DF_2087”.

SNS上で同じ車両番号を探すと、クーデター前は緑だったことが確認できた｡

If you look for the same vehicle number on social networking sites, you can confirm that it was green before the coup.

この鉄道のODA事業に関わっていた国営鉄道の元幹部は、軍が物資の輸送を指示した文書があるという｡

元ミャンマー国鉄・幹部／テー・フラさん

「ことし（2024年）1月の運行予定が書かれています。武器部門の加工製品と原料7両｡（指示書に）詳細は記されません｡武器部門からの指令であるため、武器や弾薬､爆弾などです」

A former senior official of the national railway who was involved in the ODA project for this railway says that there is a document in which the military ordered the transport of goods.

Former Myanmar Railways executive, The Hla:

“The schedule for January this year (2024) is written here. Seven cars of processed products and raw materials from the weapons department. (The instructions) do not give details, but because they are instructions from the weapons department, they are weapons, ammunition, bombs, etc.”

クーデター後も続けられた事業が､日本政府の意図に反し､軍事利用されている可能性が見えてきた｡

リスクをはらみながら継続されたODA事業｡今回､大規模事業を受注した日本企業30社にアンケート調査を行い、24社から回答を得た｡クーデター後も､事業を継続したと答えたのは18社だった｡

It has become clear that the projects that continued after the coup may have been used for military purposes, contrary to the intentions of the Japanese government.

The ODA projects continued despite the risks. This time, a questionnaire survey was conducted of the 30 Japanese companies that received large-scale projects, and responses were received from 24 companies. Eighteen of these companies responded that they continued with their projects after the coup.

ODAは日本政府からミャンマー政府側に対して､低金利で資金が貸し付けられ､受注した日本企業や、下請けの現地企業などに事業費が支払われる｡

ODA is a system whereby the Japanese government lends funds to the Myanmar government at a low interest rate, and the project costs are paid to the Japanese companies that have received orders and to local companies that are subcontractors, etc.

アンケートでは､日本企業は政府とも協議しながら事業を継続してきたことが見えてきた｡

「既存のODAは継続するという、日本政府の方針を確認したため｣

「日本政府が、実施中のODA事業の継続方針を示している中､当社もこの方針に則り継続判断とした」

The survey showed that the Japanese companies had continued their projects while consulting with the government.

“Because we confirmed the Japanese government’s policy of continuing existing ODA,”

“The Japanese government has indicated its policy of continuing with ODA projects that are already underway, and our company has decided to continue with its projects in line with this policy.”

また､ほとんどの企業が人権上のリスクがないことを確認した上で､事業を継続したと回答した｡

In addition, most of the companies responded that they had continued with their projects after confirming that there were no human rights risks.

ＯＤＡ資金が流れる企業と軍との関係はバゴー橋事業

ことし（2024年）6月､ある橋の完成を祝う式典が行われ､軍トップのミン・アウン・フライン司令官が出席した｡

Relationship between companies that receive ODA funding and the military Bago Bridge Project

In June this year (2024), a ceremony was held to celebrate the completion of a bridge, and Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing, the head of the military, attended.

310億円を超える日本のODA資金が投じられたバゴー橋｡司令官は、日本の協力によって橋が完成したと強調していた｡

The Bago Bridge, which was built with over 31 billion yen of Japanese ODA funding, was completed with the help of Japan, the commander emphasized.

このバゴー橋の建設資金が､欧米の制裁対象の企業に支払われていると指摘する団体がある｡

国際人権団体ヒューマン・ライツ・ウォッチは、建設を受注した日本企業の送金記録とされる資料を､内部の関係者から入手していた｡

ヒューマン・ライツ・ウォッチプログラムオフィサー／笠井哲平さん「MECに支払われていた送金記録です」

There are organizations that point out that the construction funds for this Bago Bridge were paid to companies that are subject to Western sanctions.

the international human rights organization Human Rights Watch had obtained documents that were said to be records of remittances made by the Japanese company that had been awarded the contract to build the bridge from an insider.

Mr. Teppei Kasai, Program Officer, Human Rights Watch: “These are the records of remittances made to MEC.”

取引を行っていたのは受注企業の｢横河ブリッジ｣｡送金先は下請けの｢MEC｣｡制裁対象となっている企業に､橋の建設費用として支払われていたという｡

ヒューマン・ライツ・ウォッチプログラムオフィサー／笠井哲平さん「経済的に加担をする､あるいは加担するリスクを取ってしまっている」

The company that was doing the business was the contractor, Yokogawa Bridge, and the money was being sent to the subcontractor, MEC. It seems that the money was being paid to a company that was subject to sanctions as the cost of building a bridge.

Mr. Teppei Kasai, Program Officer, Human Rights Watch: “They are financially complicit, or they are taking the risk of becoming complicit.”

支払いの記録は、2022年7月～2023年6月にかけての12回｡すべてクーデター後だった｡その額は日本円で6億5000万円近くに上るとみられる｡（※2023年6月15日時点レート）

The payments were made 12 times between July 2022 and June 2023, all of them after the coup.　The total amount is thought to be close to 650 million yen (as of June 15, 2023).

MECとはどのような企業なのか｡ヤンゴン郊外にある関連施設の敷地は､有刺鉄線を張り巡らせた高い壁に覆われ､中を伺うことはできなかった｡MECのウェブサイトでは､鉄鋼から飲料水など、幅広い事業を手掛ける企業とされ､一見､一般の企業のように見える｡

What kind of company is MEC? The grounds of the related facilities on the outskirts of Yangon were surrounded by high walls with barbed wire, so it was impossible to see inside. On MEC’s website, it is described as a company that is involved in a wide range of businesses, from steel to drinking water, and at first glance it looks like a normal company.

だが､横河ブリッジで働いていたミャンマー人の元エンジニアは､MECは別の顔を持つ会社だという｡

バゴー橋建設受注横河ブリッジ／元エンジニア「MECは軍が中心になって運営する組織です｡軍の権限を行使することができるのです」

MECの代表を務める人物が、あのバゴー橋の開通式に出席していた｡ミン・アウン・フライン司令官のすぐ後ろにいるニョー・ソー氏｡軍の最高意思決定機関に名を連ねている｡

However, a former engineer from Myanmar who used to work at Yokogawa Bridge says that MEC has another face.

Bago Bridge construction order Yokogawa Bridge / Former engineer

“MEC is an organization run by the military, and they can exercise military authority”

The person who represents MEC was present at the opening ceremony for the Bago Bridge, and is Mr. Nyaw Soe, who is standing directly behind Commander Min Aung Hlaing. He is listed as a member of the highest decision-making body of the military.

空軍で軍幹部の応対を担当していた元兵士｡ヤンゴンの基地で、司令官とニョー・ソー氏が戦闘機の購入費についてやりとりする場に居合わせたという｡

元ミャンマー空軍・軍曹／アウン・ゼー・ヤ氏

「（司令官は）『スホイ30戦闘機の購入資金を調達しろ』と話していました。1機あたり5000万ドルです｡（ニョー・ソー氏は）『いくら調達してこい』と指示されていました｡『何が何でもかき集めろ｡どんな手を使ってもいい』と」

A former soldier who was in charge of dealing with military officials in the air force. He says he was present at a meeting between the commander and Nyaw Soe at a base in Yangon, where they discussed the cost of purchasing fighter jets

Former Myanmar Air Force Sergeant Aung Ze Ya:

“The commander said, ‘Go and raise the money to buy the Sukhoi 30 fighter jets. Each one costs 500 0 million dollars per plane. (Nyaw Soe) was instructed to ‘go and raise as much money as you can, no matter what. You can use any means you like’

元兵士はMECが､軍にとっての資金源になっていると話した｡

元ミャンマー空軍・軍曹／アウン・ゼー・ヤ氏

「軍事費が足りなくなると、MECの収益が充てられます｡軍が自由に使うことのできる資金を調達するために作られた会社なのです」

The former soldier said that MEC was a source of funding for the military.

Former Myanmar Air Force Sergeant Aung Ze Ya:

“When the military budget runs short, MEC’s profits are used to make up the shortfall. The company was created to procure funds that the military can use freely.”

ODA資金の一部が、軍と不透明な金のやりとりをする企業に流れている実態が見えてきた｡クーデター後もMECと取り引きを続けていた横河ブリッジ｡取材を申し込んだが､｢個別の案件については答えられない｣と、応じることはなかった｡

そして､外務省は取材に対し､支払いはあくまで事業の対価だとした上で､次のように答えた｡

「仮にMECに対して支払いを行わない場合は契約違反となり､違約金等生じる可能性があります｡この場合､使途が自由な資金が国軍に流れるおそれがあり､資金流入をできるだけ防ぐ観点から適当ではないと考えています」（外務省回答文）

It has become clear that part of the ODA funds are being used to finance companies that have unclear financial dealings with the military. Yokogawa Bridge continued to do business with MEC even after the coup. When we asked for an interview, we were told, “We cannot answer questions about individual projects,” and we were not given an interview.

In response to our inquiry, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that the payment was strictly for the business and replied as follows:

“If payment is not made to MEC, it would be a breach of contract and there is a possibility of a penalty fee being incurred. In this case, there is a risk that funds that can be used freely will flow to the military, and from the perspective of preventing the inflow of funds as much as possible, we believe that this is not appropriate” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs response)

一方でMECに対して､最終的にどれくらいの支払いが行われるのか尋ねたが､｢企業情報にあたるため､回答は差し控える｣として答えなかった｡

日本のODA事業に関わった人たちは､今どんな思いでいるのか｡

On the other hand, when we asked MEC how much would be paid in the end, they did not respond, saying, “We will refrain from answering as this is company information.”

What are the people involved in Japan’s ODA projects thinking now?

このミャンマー人の女性は、バゴー橋の建設事業を受注した日本企業で働いていた｡

バゴー橋事業に関わっていたカインさん（仮名）「プロジェクトに携わることができ、誇りに思っていました。クーデターが起きずに橋が開通していれば、心に残るものになっていたはずです。プロジェクトを軍に乗っ取られてしまい、心底残念でした｡開通式のときは悔しくて涙が流れました」

This Myanmar woman worked for the Japanese company that won the contract to build the Bago Bridge.

Ms. Khin (pseudonym), who was involved in the Bago Bridge project:

“I was proud to be involved in the project. If the bridge had opened without the coup, it would have been something I would have remembered for the rest of my life. I was deeply disappointed that the project was taken over by the military, and I cried with frustration at the opening ceremony.”

別のODA事業に携わった日本企業の関係者｡ある後悔を口にした｡

ODA事業関係者「実際ミャンマーのメインプレーヤーであったのは､軍には変わりなかった。そこの視点が抜けてしまった｡ただ､そのリスクがどれくらいかっていうのは､政情不安､まだ安定してないミャンマーというところで､評価が足りなかった。リスクを非常に過小して評価していたと、今になっては思っています｡本当は見えていた人たちも、見ないふりをしてしまった｡自分の都合に合わせてしまったというところが大きかったかなと思っています」

A person involved in another ODA project, a Japanese company, expressed some regret.

ODA project staff member:

“In reality, the main player in Myanmar was still the military. We failed to take that into account. However, we did not fully assess the risk of the unstable political situation in Myanmar. I think now that we underestimated the risks, and that people who could actually see what was happening pretended not to see it, and that they were largely just looking out for their own interests.

軍側との対話を通じて、暴力の停止などを働きかけるとしてきた日本｡

ミャンマーでは､今もやむことなく空爆が続いている｡

Japan has been trying to encourage the military to stop the violence through dialogue.

In Myanmar, the air raids continue unabated.

ミャンマーの市民はいま

空爆によって町が壊滅的な被害を受けたパサウンの人々は､避難所を転々とする生活を続けていた｡

家族とともに逃れてきたチェリーさん､17歳｡避難生活を送りながら、ある夢を持ち続けていた｡

「17才なのに、軍のせいで学校に通えなくなりました｡ちゃんと教育を受けたいです｡学校の先生になりたいので勉強がしたいです」

The people of Myanmar now

The people of Pasaung, whose town was devastated by the air raids, continued to live a life of moving from one evacuation center to another.

Cherry, 17, had fled with her family. While living in evacuation shelters, she continued to hold on to a dream.

“I’m 17, but I can’t go to school because of the army. I want to get a proper education. I want to study so that I can become a schoolteacher.”

軍を率いる､ミン・アウン・フライン司令官は、ことし､18才以上の男女を対象に徴兵制を実施し､兵力増強を図っている｡

民主派勢力側の訓練キャンプにチェリーさんの姿があった｡軍に命を脅かされる暮らしを続け､武器を取るしか選択肢がないと考えるようになっていた｡

The commander of the army, Min Aung Hlaing, is trying to increase the size of the army by implementing a conscription system this year for men and women aged 18 and over.

Cherry was at a training camp for the pro-democracy forces. She had been living in fear of the military, and had come to think that taking up arms was the only option left to her.

チェリーさん「私たちの時代で、軍事独裁を完全に終わらせたいのです｡私たちのように逃げ惑う暮らしはしてほしくない｡自由にこども時代を謳歌してほしいです」

Cherry: “In our generation, we want to completely end military dictatorship. We don’t want people to have to live in fear like we do. We want people to be able to enjoy their childhoods freely.”

パサウンの町の空爆で、片腕を失ったウィンくん｡切断した右腕の骨が成長し、一部が皮膚を突き破ろうとしていた｡治療を受けられる目処は立っていない｡

Win lost one arm in an air raid on the town of Pasaung. The bones in his amputated right arm have grown and are about to break through his skin. There is no prospect of him being able to receive treatment.

ウィンくんの父親「息子の教育や健康の面で､いい環境をつくってあげたいです｡ミャンマーには困難な状況にある人たちがたくさんいます｡この状況に目を向けてほしいです」

Win’s father: “I want to create a good environment for my son’s education and health. There are many people in Myanmar who are in difficult situations, and I want people to pay attention to this situation.”